Why an Article V Convention Under Trump Is Not Safe
No rules. No limits. No way to contain what comes next.
What we’ll cover here:
Dear friends,
In my last post, I laid out a coordinated effort to rewrite the U.S. Constitution through a legal mechanism that most Americans have never heard of. This isn’t speculation. It’s a live campaign — quietly advancing through state legislatures, backed by dark money, ideological networks, and a federal administration poised to take full advantage.
It’s the kind of threat that can leave you feeling paralysed. National events move fast. The stakes are high. And the machinery behind this push is built to make you feel powerless.
But here’s the truth: you are not powerless.
Because when it comes to protecting democracy, regular people — not politicians, not pundits — have the greatest leverage, especially at the local level. That’s where the decisions are being made. That’s where the resolutions are being passed. And that’s where pressure still matters.
It’s easy to believe the Constitution is something far beyond our reach, that what happens in D.C. or your statehouse is out of your hands, and that only courts, scholars, or politicians have the power to shape it. But that’s exactly the mindset this campaign depends on.
When we step back, they step in. When we assume someone else will handle it, they handle it their way.
So we start here. With clarity. Because the first step in any strategic action is a solid understanding of what we’re facing.
One of the most dangerous assumptions surrounding this process is that it’s safe. That an Article V convention can be limited to a single issue, tightly controlled, and used responsibly to enact widely supported reforms. Even some Democrats who favour constitutional amendments believe this path is secure. But that belief is deeply mistaken—and it’s being reinforced across the political spectrum.
Groups pushing for a convention know that fear of a runaway process is their biggest obstacle. That’s why they’re working hard to sell the idea that it can be contained. Some have even produced carefully crafted videos to reassure the public that nothing can go wrong. But the truth is, it can — and under Trump, it almost certainly will go catastrophically wrong. The conditions for abuse are already in place. The guardrails don’t exist. And the forces lining up behind this effort are not interested in minor reforms. They want a constitutional reset, and this process is how they plan to get it.
So, understanding why an Article V Convention is not safe is key to explaining to your network — and especially to your state representative — why this is not a tool that should ever be picked up.
This post doesn’t just unpack why that illusion of safety falls apart—it’s designed to equip you with the clarity and language you’ll need to push back, persuade others, and stop this effort where it starts.
This post pulls back the curtain on Article V: what it says, what it doesn’t say, and why that silence opens the door to the most radical rewrite of American governance in history.
Understand the Weapon: Article V
Let's get something straight. Article V is not a legal loophole. It’s a structural vulnerability built into the Constitution itself — an emergency mechanism, but one without an emergency brake.
Article V of the U.S. Constitution lays out how amendments can be made. Most people only know the first method: Congress proposes an amendment, and then three-quarters of the states ratify it. Every amendment in American history has followed that path.
But there’s a second method. One most people have never heard of—and one the founders included without defining how it would work.
If two-thirds of state legislatures—34 states—apply for it, Congress is constitutionally required to call a convention. It sounds procedural. It’s not. It opens the door to a complete rewrite of the Constitution, with no rules in place to contain it.
What happens next is often described as a focused, issue-specific process. A way to pass popular reforms like a balanced budget amendment or term limits.
That’s a myth.
The truth is: Article V doesn’t outline any rules for how a convention works once it begins. Nothing about how a convention should function, who gets in the room, who controls the process, or what its limits are. In a moment like this — when authoritarian forces are already testing every institutional boundary — that lack of direction can become an opportunity.
So today we’ll walk through exactly what Article V doesn’t say, why each omission matters, and how it creates the perfect opening for a constitutional power grab.
What Article V Doesn’t Say And Why It Matters
Here’s the full text of Article V, just so we’re all on the same page:

“The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress...”
That’s it. One sentence.
And now here are the omissions that make it a constitutional time bomb.
No Rules for How a Convention Would Operate
Because Article V is silent on the mechanics, it means that the most consequential political gathering in American history could unfold with no constitutional framework, no judicial oversight, and no public accountability.
And if there are no rules, then we have to ask:
Who will write the rules? The states? Congress? Private actors? A pre-convention committee?
How are delegates chosen? Are they elected by voters, appointed by governors, or handpicked by state legislatures? Can they be lobbyists? Can they be sitting officials?
Will each state get one vote, or will representation be based on population? If California and Wyoming have equal say, how is that democratic? But if they don’t, who decides the weighting?
What if a state has passed multiple resolutions on different topics — balanced budgets, term limits, campaign finance — over different decades? Do those count as one call, or several?
What happens if two state bodies send conflicting slates of delegates? For example, the governor and legislature might each appoint their own group — who decides which one gets seated?
Who chairs the proceedings? Who sets the agenda? Who controls the floor?
Can anyone be excluded from participation? Could a Republican-controlled convention bar Democratic delegates — or vice versa?
How long can the convention go on? A week? A year? Indefinitely? There’s no constitutional time limit.
Can delegates be recalled by their states mid-convention? If they go rogue, is there any way to stop them?
What rules govern debate, voting, or amendment approval within the convention itself? Is a simple majority enough to propose radical changes? A supermajority? Can these rules change mid-process?
Will the public have access to the proceedings? Will there be livestreams? Transcripts? Press credentials?
Can corporate or political interests fund delegate campaigns, travel, or lobbying efforts during the convention? (Spoiler: they already are.)
Who guards the process from manipulation or coercion? In a high-stakes, high-pressure setting with no constitutional referee, who steps in if there’s fraud, bribery, blackmail — or violence?
Why it matters: Because Article V sets no rules for how a convention should work, every one of these questions — about delegate selection, voting procedures, public access, time limits, or even what counts as a valid call — becomes a live battlefield. That ambiguity isn’t a technical flaw; it’s the point. It creates a power vacuum where the most prepared and aggressive actors can seize control. If we wait until the convention is called to ask these questions, it will already be too late.
No Limits On What Can Be Changed
While some advocates claim a convention could be "limited" to a single issue (say, a balanced budget or term limits), Article V doesn’t say anything about that.
There is no clause that:
Binds a convention to the topic stated in the application
Prevents delegates from proposing unrelated amendments once the convention opens
Prohibits procedural changes that expand the scope mid-convention
Requires that all state applications match in wording, topic, or intent
Voids old or expired applications from decades past
Prevents states from withdrawing applications after the 34-state threshold is reached
Prohibits a state from switching delegates mid-convention to change the vote count
Lets Congress reject or dissolve the convention once it’s begun
Gives the courts authority to intervene if the process veers off course
Prevents delegates from bundling unrelated changes into a single “take-it-or-leave-it” amendment package
Limits the number of amendments that can be proposed in one session
Stops a convention from proposing an entirely new Constitution
Forces any form of transparency during deliberations
Requires that the convention’s final proposals reflect public input or state intentions
Ensures that any promises made before the convention (about scope, topic, rules) are enforceable once it begins
Why it matters: Once a convention is called, there is no legal containment. The assumption that it will stick to one issue — like a balanced budget or term limits — is not grounded in law. It’s a talking point. The convention can expand its mandate the moment it opens. Delegates can rewrite anything they want, and there is no constitutional authority to stop them. That means every right, every protection, every structure of government is potentially on the table — whether or not it was ever part of the original call. Abortion, voting rights, press freedom, citizenship, the presidency, the Supreme Court — all of it.
There is no legal mechanism to stop delegates from tearing up the entire Constitution and writing a new one.
No Process For Selecting Delegates
While Article V tells us states can apply for a convention, it says nothing about how delegates are selected. That silence gives enormous leverage to anyone in power who’s willing to exploit it.
Let’s walk through what’s missing, and how it can be abused:
Are delegates elected by the public? Article V doesn’t say. Most states will skip elections entirely—and a legislature could handpick delegates without notice or debate.
Are they appointed by legislatures, governors, or political parties? There’s no rule. A partisan majority could lock out the minority party, or let political machines and donors decide behind the scenes.
Can a state send multiple delegates with opposing views? Yes — and if that happens, there’s no process to resolve internal conflicts. A bad actor could exploit that confusion to block or delay state participation entirely.
Are delegates bound to follow any rules? Some states claim they can legally “bind” delegates to a topic — but there’s no enforcement mechanism. A delegate could walk in promising one thing, and vote for something else. No consequences.
Can a delegate be removed mid-convention? There’s no constitutional process for this. In theory, a delegate could be bribed, blackmailed, or simply switch sides —and no one could stop them.
Can lobbyists or corporate representatives be delegates? Yes. Nothing prevents it. Some groups are already training and positioning their operatives to be appointed.
Are there ethical requirements? No, not legally. In theory, a convicted criminal could serve. So could someone under investigation, or openly working for a foreign interest.
Can political parties dominate selection? Absolutely. A ruling party could fill the entire slate with ideologues, bypassing even internal dissent.
Can delegates be chosen in secret? Yes. There is no federal requirement for public notice, hearings, or transparency.
Why it matters: This is the part of the process where power consolidates — quietly. If we wait until the convention begins to ask who’s in the room, we’ve already lost. With no rules in place, a state-level political machine can lock in its vision of America before the rest of the country even realises what’s happened.
No Protections For Democratic Process Inside The Convention
Even if a convention begins with the best intentions, Article V provides no guarantees that the process itself will be fair, representative, or even visible to the public. Once the doors close, there’s nothing in the Constitution to keep the proceedings democratic — or even recognisable.
Here’s what’s missing, and how it can be used:
No requirement for transparency. There’s nothing mandating open sessions. Delegates could meet behind closed doors, bar observers, and publish only the final result — if they publish anything at all.
No guarantee of public access. There’s no obligation to livestream, release transcripts, or even allow journalists inside. The public could be locked out entirely.
No right to press coverage. Without constitutional protections, media access is optional. A hostile majority could ban independent press, allow only state-approved coverage, or simply cut off information flow.
No ethical standards. There are no built-in conflict-of-interest rules. Delegates can accept gifts, travel stipends, campaign donations — or worse — from outside interests without disclosing a thing.
No rules for open debate. A controlling faction could shut down dissenting voices, dominate the floor, or block amendments from being introduced. There’s no rule requiring that all delegates even be given time to speak.
No obligation to include minority views. A far-right majority could push through proposals without input from Democratic states, independents, moderates, or any other dissenting bloc. Minority delegates could be sidelined or completely silenced.
No time limit. The convention could drag on for months — or even years —reconvening at will to push changes when political conditions are most favourable.
No review process. There is no mechanism to pause and review what’s being proposed, to challenge procedural abuses, or to appeal to any higher authority. Once a vote is taken, it moves to the states for ratification.
Why it matters: Authoritarianism thrives where there are no rules—and this is a process without a single enforceable safeguard. If the people in control of the convention want to shut the public out, suppress dissent, and ram through a new constitutional order, nothing in Article V can stop them. The only way to prevent that is to stop the convention before it starts.
No Limit To The Number Of Amendments Proposed
While Article V allows a convention to propose amendments, it says nothing about how many. There’s no ceiling. No cap. No requirement that changes be introduced one at a time or evaluated separately.
A single convention could produce dozens of constitutional amendments — or even an entirely new Constitution — and then send them all to the states for ratification in a single package.
Here’s how that becomes dangerous:
Coordinated interests could flood the process with extreme proposals. Without a limit, delegates could overwhelm public debate by putting forward dozens of changes at once — making it impossible for voters, media, or watchdogs to track what’s happening.
Proposals can be bundled. A convention could vote to group unrelated amendments—say, voter ID restrictions, abortion bans, and tax cuts—into a single up-or-down ratification package. States would then have to accept everything or reject everything.
Popular amendments could be used as bait. Term limits or a balanced budget amendment might be paired with deeply authoritarian changes—like repealing the 16th Amendment (ending income tax) or weakening judicial review. That bait-and-switch makes opposition harder to organise.
Controversial proposals could be slipped in last-minute. With no limit, there's no reason the convention couldn’t continue introducing amendments until the final hour—leaving no time for scrutiny or public input before ratification votes begin.
There’s no process for separating amendments by topic or domain. Rights, powers, procedures, and protections could all be rewritten in a single session with no required thematic separation.
Why it matters: Without limits, the amendment process becomes a high-speed conveyor belt — one that an authoritarian regime could overload, obscure, and weaponise. The more that’s proposed, the harder it becomes to organise opposition. And once amendments are bundled, a single “yes” vote by 38 state legislatures could push through sweeping, irreversible changes — many of which the public may never have seen coming.
No Mechanism for Federal Oversight
Article V requires Congress to call a convention if 34 states apply—but once it’s called, the federal government has no authority to guide, supervise, or stop what happens next. The convention becomes a legal black box.
Here’s what that means in practice:
Congress can’t set enforceable limits. Once the threshold is met, Congress must call the convention, but has no constitutional power to limit the topics discussed, screen delegates, or invalidate the process if it goes off the rails.
Congress can’t veto proposals. No matter how extreme or sweeping the amendments are, Congress has no power to block them. If three-quarters of the states ratify what comes out of the convention, it becomes law—period.
The courts can’t intervene mid-process. If the convention violates democratic norms, excludes delegates, or breaks state or federal laws, there is no clear legal path to challenge or halt it. Article V doesn’t assign the courts any role in overseeing or interpreting the process while it’s underway.
The President has no formal role. But that doesn’t mean they’ll stay out. The executive branch has no constitutional authority to intervene, moderate, or even observe the convention. On paper, the President is a bystander. But in practice, a dictatorial President could influence the process from the outside—by pressuring state legislatures, backing preferred delegates, spreading disinformation, or using federal power to suppress dissent. And if the new Constitution expands executive authority? They stand to gain the most from its passage.
No federal agency is tasked with oversight. The Justice Department, the FEC, the GAO—none of them have a mandate to monitor what happens, investigate abuses, or enforce transparency. There is no federal body responsible for ensuring the process protects civil rights or follows democratic norms.
Why it matters: There is no higher authority to appeal to once a convention begins. If coordinated interests take control of the process, there is no legal mechanism—none—for the federal government to step in. No balance. No separation of powers. Just an open constitutional void, vulnerable to capture and shielded from intervention. Once the convention is triggered, the only firewall left is public resistance—and that window closes fast.
Now you see what most Americans don’t: the real danger of an Article V convention isn’t just what it might change, it’s that there are no rules to govern it.
No limits. No oversight. No accountability. And no guarantee that the Constitution you wake up with will bear any resemblance to the one you grew up with.
This understanding matters. Because you can’t fight what you don’t see coming. And this isn’t just coming — it’s accelerating.
Your Action Points
1. Prioritise Quality Local News
This fight is being waged state by state. Local journalists are often the only ones covering Article V resolutions as they’re introduced, debated, or quietly passed. Without that coverage, it’s easy to miss what’s happening until it’s too late.
Find out who’s reporting on your state legislature and subscribe, even just to a free newsletter.
If you’re in a news desert, look to coverage from your state capital or nearby urban centres.
Follow one or two statehouse reporters on social media. They’re often the first to spot political shifts that national outlets ignore.
Why it helps: The earlier you spot a resolution moving through your statehouse, the more time you—and your community—have to push back. Timley information gives you the power to act.
2. Follow National and International Reporting That Tracks Power
To understand what this campaign is part of, you need depth, credibility, and perspective. That means newsrooms that prioritise investigation, legal context, and authoritarian trends — not clickbait or outrage.
Audit your news diet: are you being informed, or emotionally manipulated?
Subscribe to at least one national outlet that covers constitutional issues in detail, like ProPublica, The Brennan Center for Justice, Lawfare, or States Newsroom.
Balance it with a source from outside the US — like The Guardian, BBC World, Al Jazeera English, or Le Monde Diplomatique. These outlets often cover American politics with fewer partisan blind spots and a clearer view of global patterns.
If you have other trusted sources, share them in the comments below — it’s how we build collective clarity.
Why it helps: Quality journalism helps you see what’s happening, why it matters, and where it might lead—before you're caught off guard.
3. Know Who Represents You At The State Level
This entire strategy hinges on state legislatures. Not Congress. Not the White House. It is your state rep and state senator who will either advance or block the resolutions that trigger a constitutional convention.
Look them up. Write their names down. Save their contact info.
Follow them if you’re able — email newsletters, social media, community events.
If you don’t know where they stand on convention calls, find out. If you can’t find their record, ask.
Why it helps: If you don’t know who holds the power in your state, you can’t influence them. But if even a few constituents call, email, or show up asking the right questions, it can shift what they do next. That’s especially true when most people are still unaware the Article V campaign even exists.
The Convention of States Project knows exactly how important this is. They’ve openly called for an army of “Social Media Warriors” to “reach, teach, and activate people for the Convention of States by leaving relevant comments on blogs, social media posts, and online publications.” Their goal isn’t just visibility—it’s influence. They expect these volunteers to “lead the charge to influence legislators on social media.”
This is what you’re up against. And this is where you need to step in and counter it—with facts, clarity, and pressure from your own corner of the map.
In my next post, I’ll cover some of the different — apparently unconnected —organisations driving this push. (Some, because they’re deliberately difficult to track, and that’s part of the problem.) Know this: isn’t a fringe movement. It’s a network of well-funded, tightly aligned campaigns — decades in the making — now converging around a single objective: to rewrite the Constitution on their terms, while the rest of the country is distracted by political theatre.
But just as critically, I’ll show you who’s organising to stop them. Because there is a counter-offensive. It’s not scattered. It’s not passive. It’s focused, coordinated, and gaining ground. People across the country are already taking up the fight — tracking legislation, educating their communities, pressuring lawmakers, and blocking resolutions before they reach the floor.
This movement is real. It’s growing. And it needs you in it.
I’ll deliver the next post as soon as it’s ready. If that means the day after this one, I apologise for the barrage — but this moment demands urgency. In the meantime, please return to the action points above if you need to. Share them. Reflect on the reasons an Article V Convention isn’t safe, as well as where you already have influence. Do your own research. And begin preparing however you can. We don’t have time to waste.
One last thing:
I am not a constitutional scholar — far from it. I’m simply someone who’s comfortable navigating legislation, who reads widely, researches deeply, and draws conclusions based on patterns I’ve seen before. I encourage you to do your own reading, especially if you want to test or expand on what I’ve laid out here.
Don’t take my word for it. But do take the threat seriously. Because once this process is in motion, it may not stop where its backers say it will. And by the time the rest of the country realises what’s happening, the rewrite will already be underway.
Stay alert. Stay grounded. And stay tuned.
— Lori
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I was initially in favor of a Constitutional Convention, for some very specific changes. But these things have now changed my mind:
1. The lack of guardrails or specificity. It doesn't matter what anyone says - if it's not in the "written contract" it's unenforceable.
2. Our current descent into authoritarianism.
3. Jim DeMint. He's a senior advisor to Convention of States Action and a former president of The Heritage Foundation. The same group that created Project 2025.
Now would be a terrible time to have a Constitutional Convention.
I respect the effort you are putting into this topic, and am fascinated by the way you had to leave Zimbabwe. I do think the regime/administration could get much more awful than it is now. But I don’t see this as a high probability threat because in my view there is a near-zero chance that at least 13 states won’t vote against the results of a MAGA convention. Six New England states, Hawaii, Maryland, Illinois, New York, California, Washington State, Oregon. And not any other state than those needed to block. So no matter how crazy the convention got, what they did won’t be implemented, right?